Social Media’s Impact on Homeland Security

Geoffrey Cain, Senior Fellow for Critical Emerging Technologies, Lincoln Network

September 14, 2022

Chairman Peters, Ranking Member Portman, and Members of the Committee:
It is an honor to be invited to testify here on social media’s impact on national security. Today, I will
talk about one of the greatest technological threats facing our homeland security and democracy:
TikTok, the social media app owned by the Chinese parent company ByteDance.


TikTok is the fastest-growing social media app ever and is expected to hit 1.8 billion users by the
end of this year. Known for its fun and digestible video snippets, the app is enormously popular
among celebrities and Generation Z users. It goes to great lengths to appeal to the sensibilities of the
American market by loudly proclaiming progressive, democratic, egalitarian values. It posts messages
on social media supporting inclusivity, diversity, LGBTQ+ rights, and pro-life causes.


All this is a distraction from the reality behind TikTok’s parent company in China, called ByteDance.
As an investigative journalist in China and East Asia for thirteen years, I have been detained,
harassed, and threatened for my reporting on Chinese technology companies. ByteDance and its
subsidiary TikTok have sought to distract us from well-documented ties to the Chinese Communist
Party.


In internal meetings, ByteDance’s leaders have extolled communist party virtues, pledging their
absolute loyalty to a totalitarian government. The celebrity and cat videos are a distraction. TikTok is
a major threat to our national security and freedom of discourse. Its parent company has censored
Uyghur refugees who have suffered under a genocide now being carried out in China’s western
region of Xinjiang, as well as other heinous crimes.


TikTok claims that, despite reporting to executives from a company in the People’s Republic of
China, called ByteDance, it keeps the data of American and global users on TikTok separate from
ByteDance’s business operations in China. There, the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party
(CCP) have repeatedly declared their hostility to our democracy and way of life.


Today, I will show you how TikTok has orchestrated a campaign of distraction and deflection to
mask the alarming truth. Americans face the grave and unprecedented threat of software in our
pockets that contains powerful surveillance and data-gathering capabilities, owned by private
companies that must nevertheless comply with the dictates of the CCP, which has signaled its
ambitions to assert global jurisdiction over private companies everywhere as a condition for doing
business in China. TikTok is a disaster waiting to happen for our homeland security and the privacy
of our citizens.


TikTok’s Troubled Emergence in America


TikTok’s explosive growth in America has been a troubling story of conflicting statements, broken
promises, hollow reassurances, and profiteering complacency. We have TikTok executives here today. According to their internal guidelines, if you ask them about the influence of their Chinese
parent company ByteDance over the American product TikTok, executives must deceptively tell you
that ByteDance is a separate parent company and that you should talk to ByteDance instead. They
will attempt to confuse you, claiming that TikTok takes a localized approach, hiring local
moderators, implementing local policies, and showing local content.

TikTok executives will not tell you the real story about their ties to the world’s most sophisticated
and dystopian police state. They will not tell you about a Beijing-based engineer known as the
“Master Admin” who had, according to leaked audio from internal company meetings, “access to
everything” on the app.


Their employer does not give them the authority to tell the full truth. A leaked, 53-page public relations document that TikTok executives call their “Master Messages” tells employees to “Downplay the parent company ByteDance, downplay the China association, downplay AI.” They won’t tell you that they report to ByteDance, and that ByteDance reports to the CCP.


The relationship between TikTok and ByteDance has been a problem from the start. Eight years
ago, in 2014, the Chinese arm of the major Silicon Valley venture capital firm Sequoia Capital
invested in TikTok’s parent company ByteDance in China with a $500 million valuation, paving the
way for its expansion into America. Sequoia Capital’s China arm has been building ties to China’s
party elite—for example, by later hiring the daughter of a member of the CCP’s powerful Standing
Committee.


TikTok’s fast expansion into the American market was only possible because China has rigged the
market, offering ByteDance vast market protection in China while banning competing American
social media apps Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, and Google. In 2016, ByteDance initiated a $1
billion purchase of a Chinese-based music streaming company called Music.ly, popular among
American teenagers. Nine months later, ByteDance merged Music.ly with its own software,
cementing TikTok as the American version of its Chinese app, Douyin.


From the start, the acquisition was concerning. The Financial Times reported that ByteDance did not
seek approval from the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS), the
government body that reviews foreign inflows into strategic and sensitive businesses in the U.S.
According to the report, ByteDance executives believed they did not need to begin a CFIUS review
because they were acquiring a Chinese company, not an American one.


This was a decision of questionable legality. Music.ly had an office in Los Angeles, placing this
acquisition under the jurisdiction of CFIUS. CFIUS still has the authority to investigate and reverse
the acquisition, which would force ByteDance to sell TikTok and terminate its American operations.
Other alarm bells sounded in the early days of TikTok in America. In 2018, ByteDance’s and
TikTok’s founder and previous CEO, Zhang Yiming, wrote a letter promising Chinese regulators that his company would follow “core socialist values,” would introduce these “correct values into
technology and products” and would ensure his products promoted the CCP’s agenda. These
“values,” he wrote, included “strengthening the work of Party construction,” “deepening
cooperation with official Party media,” and strengthening “content review” in line with these Party
“values.”

ByteDance’s public statements in China should be cause for alarm. American government
employees, military personnel, and people in sensitive and strategic industries use TikTok. Because
China has little separation between private business and the government’s authoritarian ideology,
ByteDance, like all Chinese companies, maintains an in-house Communist Party Committee
mandated to enforce the political loyalty of employees in China. At a committee meeting in April
2018, ByteDance executives declared that their social media algorithm must be informed by the
“correct political direction” and that content should “highlight socialist core values.”


ByteDance engineers in China, not America, developed the algorithm that TikTok used in America.
TikTok engineers employed in Mountain View, California reported to senior executives in China,
where the company’s Communist Party Committee set the course of ByteDance products.


Researchers from the Citizen Lab, an internet research institute at the University of Toronto, found
that the Chinese app Douyin and the American version TikTok use the same base code, but alter
them for different markets. Recent findings about the capabilities of TikTok code and datagathering capabilities have been concerning. In August 2022, privacy researcher Felix Krause found
that TikTok’s browser contains code that can track users’ keystrokes, including if they type in login
information, passwords and credit card information. This is not a practice among major social media
competitors. TikTok responded by claiming it uses this code for debugging and troubleshooting.


We should take TikTok’s claims with a grain of salt. Previously, in 2020, TikTok executives said they
would end a similar feature that allowed TikTok to read users’ Apple iOS clipboards, but never gave
a clear date for the removal of the feature. Apple’s clipboard allows users to save snippets of
information on their phones which, for some users, could include sensitive military and government
data, and could stay in TikTok’s servers even if an iPhone user deletes it after a moment. Despite
these promises to end the feature, an Apple software update later revealed TikTok was still snooping
on the clipboard. It remains unclear if TikTok still has kept the feature, which it has not publicly
clarified.


TikTok and China’s Human Rights Atrocities

When TikTok began seeing explosive growth in America, I was deeply worried as a foreign
correspondent and investigative journalist in Xinjiang, China, where I was researching my second
book, The Perfect Police State: An Undercover Odyssey Into China’s Terrifying Surveillance Dystopia of the Future.


This is a region where an estimated 1.8 million people from the ethnic Uyghur, Kazakh and other
predominately Muslim minority groups have been held in a network of some 300 concentration
camps—the largest internment of ethnic minorities since the Holocaust. The people of Xinjiang live
under a total surveillance dystopia seemingly crafted out of a science fiction novel, erected with the
help of Chinese and American technology companies. They are watched by China’s surveillance
network, SkyNet, which is powered by novel technologies in artificial intelligence, facial recognition,
voice recognition, and biometric data collection. In December 2017, I made my final visit to
Xinjiang. Within three days, I was detained by police and asked to leave.


I believed that ByteDance’s and TikTok’s expansion into the U.S. was ominous for our democracy,
and I began following the story carefully, interviewing TikTok employees, users, and former Chinese
government officials about their operations. A Uyghur technology worker from the regional capital,
Urumqi, who helped establish the government’s surveillance systems in Xinjiang, told me, “Of
course ByteDance can spy for the CCP, and they do it all the time. Every Chinese app submitted the
government’s orders to send them all the data of sensitive users like Uyghurs and different ethnic
groups. Why would TikTok be any different? It doesn’t matter if those companies are operating in
America or not.”


His concerns were appropriate. A former employee claimed that ByteDance had an active role in
trying to suppress news about the Uyghur genocide, attempting to build an algorithm that would
suppress Uyghur livestreams that could potentially spread news of atrocities on the Chinese app.10 In
November 2020, TikTok public policy executive Elizabeth Kanter, testifying before the British
parliament, said, “There was [sic] some incidents where content was not allowed on the platform,
specifically with regard to the Uyghur situation.”


The Uyghur genocide—declared a “genocide” by the State Department in January 2021 because of
the erasure of an entire group, including through the forced sterilization of women—is the
culmination of China’s fascistic propaganda about the racial and cultural superiority of the dominant
Han Chinese ethnic group. TikTok policies, implemented until 2019, have reflected these censorial
party practices that uphold the myths about strength, power and purity. Internal memos leaked to
The Intercept, an investigative news website, instructed TikTok moderators globally to suppress video
posts created by users whom they deemed too poor, ugly, or disabled, as well as to censor users who
harmed “national honor.”

Other guidelines penalized users for posting about the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre and the
Uyghur genocide. It called these posts “violations,” even if the users who posted them were not
based in China. The memo instructed moderators to be on the lookout for videos with an
“abnormal body shape,” “ugly facial looks,” “dwarfism,” an “obvious beer belly,” “too many
wrinkles,” “eye disorders,” “dilapidated housing,” “slums, rural fields” and many other “low quality”
traits.


As these revelations came to light, TikTok scrambled to repair its image for the U.S. market. It
claimed it was implementing stronger privacy and content moderation policies and made the odd
claim that these policies were in place to prevent online bullying, even though the leaked internal
documents made no mention of anti-bullying.


TikTok also said data was stored in America and on a backup server in Singapore, not in Beijing,
where the parent company is based. In August 2020, the CFIUS issued a divestment order to
ByteDance, ordering it to sell TikTok to an American company. The order went unenforced and
was later reversed in June 2021. TikTok continues to operate freely in America, under China’s
control.


The Oracle Failure


After these controversies, TikTok announced in September 2020 that it had selected American
technology giant Oracle as a “technology partner,” restructuring its operations with Oracle bidding
to purchase part of TikTok’s U.S. operations. Oracle didn’t purchase TikTok in the end (no one
did). Instead, TikTok struck an agreement with Oracle to migrate Americans’ data to Oracle servers
in the U.S. It was trying to convince the U.S. government that the personal data of Americans would
not end up in the hands of China’s government.


This plan has already failed on many counts. In June 2022, the news website Buzzfeed published
material from leaked audio files from 80 internal TikTok meetings. The leaks revealed that Chinese
engineers had already been accessing the data of Americans from September 2021 to January 2022,
which could then be easily stored on Chinese servers, even by accident. The leaks contradicted the
sworn Congressional testimony of a TikTok executive in October 2021, who claimed inaccurately
that a “world-renowned, U.S.-based security team” decides who will have access to Americans’ data.
TikTok employees said on the recordings that they had to work through China-based teams to
figure out the flows of American data.


Second, TikTok announced it would maintain backup storage of Americans’ data on its own servers.
This would erase the benefits of storing the data on Oracle cloud servers. Third, Oracle, despite
being an American company, is a dubious data protection partner for TikTok; there is strong reason
to doubt the private data of Americans will be completely safe with Oracle as well. Mara Hvistendahl, a longtime China journalist at The Intercept, has documented Oracle’s egregious conflicts
of interest selling data analytics software to Chinese police authorities for mass surveillance.

These conflicts of interest and split loyalties between China’s hostile authoritarianism and America’s
homeland security run deep. Oracle has inappropriately advertised its software services for the U.S.
Department of Defense to potential Chinese police and security clients. Oracle has offered China’s
Ministry of Public Security, the powerful, rights-abusing policing body, the data analytics software
that undergirds China’s 1984-style surveillance dystopia and crimes against humanity. This includes
marketing software directly to Chinese police authorities in Xinjiang, where they are carrying out
genocide against the minority Uyghur population.

TikTok’s Shadowy Corporate Structure

Even if TikTok stores the data on Oracle’s servers in America, Oracle’s and TikTok’s deep exposure
to China makes that data susceptible to the vague, powerful data collection laws that give the
Chinese government sweeping powers. If China demands this data—which would happen in secret,
if it hasn’t happened already—both TikTok in America and its parent company ByteDance in China
will have few ways of resisting through legitimate court hearings and court appeals in China. The sad
reality is that ByteDance’s and TikTok’s corporate structure makes them accountable to the
authoritarian demands of the Communist Party.


TikTok has claimed that its operations fall outside Chinese legal jurisdiction, so we do not need to
worry about the privacy of Americans’ data. This trite and deceptive answer does not address the
inherent contradiction in ByteDance’s corporate structure that makes it prone to CCP data meddling
and legal orders.


In November 2021, ByteDance’s co-founder and new CEO, Liang Rubo, announced that TikTok
would be separated into a standalone business unit, allegedly separate from the six main business
units of TikTok. The goal was to appeal to American government regulators who were concerned
about the lack of separation between the American TikTok app and the other Chinese business
affiliates under ByteDance. The restructuring, however, was in name only. It does not represent a
spin-off of TikTok.


In November 2021, ByteDance’s co-founder and new CEO, Liang Rubo, announced that TikTok
would be separated into a standalone business unit, allegedly separate from the six main business
units of TikTok. The goal was to appeal to American government regulators who were concerned
about the lack of separation between the American TikTok app and the other Chinese business
affiliates under ByteDance. The restructuring, however, was in name only. It does not represent a
spin-off of TikTok.


What we know as “TikTok,” with its main American office in Los Angeles, is really part of a shell
company incorporated in the Cayman Islands. According to the Cayman’s corporate registry, the
director in charge of the ByteDance shell company is Liang Rubo, who is also listed on ByteDance’s
website as the CEO of the ByteDance corporation in China. Because both the Cayman and Chinese
companies have the same person in charge, it is difficult to take TikTok executives seriously when
they argue that these are in fact separate companies divided by an impenetrable wall. The Cayman Islands are a notorious offshore tax and regulatory haven with little transparency, where Chinese
kleptocrats evade American regulatory pressure.


The fuzzy corporate structure has troubling implications for Americans’ private data. TikTok’s
privacy policy states: “We may share all of the information we collect with a parent, subsidiary, or
other affiliate of our corporate group.” TikTok does not clarify the definition of “our corporate
group.” Worded this way, TikTok executives have given themselves enormous latitude to share data
with whomever they want within their parent ByteDance company, whether in China or the Cayman
Islands shell company, despite promising to keep that data out of China’s hands.


TikTok executives might decide to share data with ByteDance’s key subsidiary in China, called
Beijing ByteDance Technology. Here’s the danger: the Chinese government owns a 1 percent stake
in Beijing ByteDance Technology and has installed its own director on the subsidiary’s board. Yet
under the privacy policy, TikTok might be contractually clear if American users brought a legal claim
against the company for allowing their private data to end up in the hands of Chinese authorities,
through Beijing ByteDance Technology.


The Vast Intrusions of Chinese Data Law


TikTok’s claims that its America-based data is not subject to Chinese law reveals an egregious
misrepresentation of the Chinese legal system. Increasingly, China is asserting global legal
jurisdiction and is using this self-proclaimed authority to pressure American and other foreign
companies with ties in China. China does not operate under the principle of rule of law, but rule by
the Party. The Party has the sweeping authority to enforce a collection of vague laws that criminalize
the refusal to hand over the data of anyone, often anywhere in the world, it deems a threat.


One regulation, put in force in January 2021, allows China’s Commerce Ministry to tell international
companies to choose between complying with the extraterritorial regulations of China or the U.S.,
including the various sanctions or export controls now in force under U.S. law. Chinese courts can
then hold companies liable for complying with American restrictions on Chinese commerce unless
the Commerce Ministry grants them a waiver. If ByteDance were to treat TikTok as a separate
business unit and submit to American government orders to, say, divest and sell TikTok, ByteDance
might find itself in legal trouble in China, and pressured to hand over Americans’ data in Chinese
court.


Another venue for harassment is the Data Security Law, passed in June 2021, giving China’s
government vast powers over the regulation and collection of “core data,” a vague term that applies
to any data that includes “national security, lifelines of the national economy, important aspects of
people’s lives, and the major public interest.” If any American TikTok data ends up on China-based servers, as the leaked audio files obtained by BuzzFeed show can easily happen, the CCP would
have no trouble asserting the legal authority to obtain that data on “national security” grounds.

These laws only scratch the surface of China’s broad and recent judicial expansion over the data of
private citizens anywhere in the world. In June 2020, China passed the Hong Kong National
Security Law, asserting extraterritorial jurisdiction over non-citizens of the People’s Republic of
China and Hong Kong, even if they live beyond China’s borders, for collusion with “foreign
forces.”


As of July 2022, China has charged at least 119 people under the law, which is usually targeted at
political dissidents.23 But the law’s wording gives vast powers for the Chinese government to charge
a person, anywhere in the world, including a TikTok or ByteDance executive traveling through
Hong Kong, should that executive cooperate, for instance, with U.S. government requests to protect
the data of American military personnel. TikTok closed its Hong Kong office in July 2020 and
stopped offering the app in Hong Kong. This, however, does nothing to shield TikTok and its users
from the ubiquitous and global territorial powers of the Hong Kong National Security Law.


Finally, two other sweeping laws, the 2015 National Security Law and the 2017 National Intelligence
Law, assert similar government powers over private data in China and would apply to ByteDance
and potentially its Caymans subsidiary TikTok.


The 2015 National Security Law states vaguely: “Citizens of the People’s Republic of China, all state
organs and armed forces, political parties and mass organization, enterprises, public institutions and
other social organizations, all have the responsibility and obligations to preserve national security.”
This wording will compel ByteDance to fulfill any data obligation imposed by the Chinese
government under the guise of “national security.”
The 2017 National Intelligence Law creates the obligation of “Chinese citizens to support national
intelligence work,” or face detention and possible criminal charges. This law, of course, would
apply to ByteDance and its executives in China, should Chinese intelligence agencies want to
pressure them to hand over data on American government and military users gathered through
TikTok.


Senators, I hope my testimony today will inform decisions you might be called upon to make about
the TikTok threat. I hope that my summary of TikTok’s connections to the CCP, data-gathering
practices, broken promises, and pattern of deception has made a case to open a CFIUS review, once
again. This review would potentially force ByteDance to sell TikTok to a more trustworthy
company. It would be our best option moving forward. Thank you for having me.